It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. We address ourselves, not to their humanity, but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own necessities, but of their advantages. IV, trad. II, p. Lucien et Paulette Carrive, Paris, Vrin, , p. Irwin dir. New explorations in the art and thought of Dr. Bernard Mandeville , Irwin Primer dir. VI, op. I, op. Korshin dir. Force et David Morgan dir. Jean-Pierre Grossein, Paris, Gallimard, , p.
Dans cet ouvrage, Weber ne mentionne jamais Nicole. Pour la confrontation avec Hobbes, voir p. Louis Lafuma, Paris, Seuil, , p. III, p. The scene Fred witnesses is thus two scenes in one. Like the transformations, this image-crystal is a bridge between two movies that reflect each other , but it is impossible to tell the reflected from its reflection, just as it is impossible to tell the real story from its dream.
Once again, the image-crystal contains two films, to the point that two different actresses play, on the one hand, the body of the dead girl Lyssie Powell , and on the other, the body of Diane Selwyn Naomi Watts. Once again, this scene reflects another but it is impossible to tell the reflected from its reflection. When this occurs, it is the image of the character that is decomposed because, as there are other versions of the film, there are other versions of the image of the character.
The character is thus not a human subject but a subjective image that is part of a composition the image of the character as part of a shot, the shot as part of a film , so that it may be more appropriate to compare the character to an object than to a subject. Pete is taken home by his parents, taken out by his friends, manipulated by Alice, while Rita is first seen in a limousine not driving but being driven somewhere, and is then dragged along on an investigation by Betty. Even when Rita decides they must go to the Silencio, it is not a conscious decision; she is possessed by an idea which comes to her out of the blue.
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These sometimes take shape, as in Lost Highway where they are embodied by the Mystery Man who helps Mr. Eddie terrify Pete then helps Fred kill Mr. Eddie, and tells Fred that Renee and Alice are the same person. The character is thus an object in the work of an artist. Before the transformation, Fred Madison looks up in his cell and sees a spotlight shining down on him, similar to the one used in The Elephant Man to signal the beginning and end of Dr.
The Lynchan character is thus, like the Frankenstein monster, a composition made up of bits and pieces of matter and texture. The character is thus not a human subject that produces a diegesis or develops in one, but an object that moves along a narration and that is subjected to the mysterious hand of the artist. Of course this does not keep psychoanalytical theory from being a useful semiological tool in order to analyze the images per se. Indeed, how can one conciliate the cynical, tyrannical position of a mad God-like director handling characters like objects and his taste for mystery which encourages subjectivity and freedom of interpretation?
There is obviously more to the character as object than meets the eye, something that may have to do with the magic of cinema. Likewise, in Lost Highway , Pete Dayton plays the part of Pete Dayton since it is all written out for him, and in Mulholland Drive , Rita names herself after Rita Hayworth while Betty is a talented actress who can play the same part in either a melodramatic tone when she rehearses with Rita or in a very sexy fashion at the audition. Actors give up themselves to become somebody else.
He then becomes a mock-subject for whom acting like a human subject appears as the only solution to escape being an object. The tender bows of innocence burn first. What the divine inhabitant of the Red Room has revealed to Laura Palmer is that, like the cabin in Lost Highway , she is literally an image-crystal Laura and her reflections on fire. Or more exactly, as an actor-character, she is an object trying to escape being an object by being a mock-subject who is, ironically, the object of desire of the men who pay her. Believing he is a mock- subject when he takes on a part, the identitiless character is actually an object a character that acts like another object another character ; he then becomes a mock-object, and the experience of otherness or sameness depending on which way you look at it is, in fact, not becoming another subject but becoming another object.
Looking in the mirror at this face without an identity, the as-yet-unnamed Rita lays eyes on a poster of Gilda and names herself after Rita Hayworth. In other words, she names herself after the actress who was a human subject and not after the character as icon because the actor and the character cannot be told apart 3. The actor and his characters thus tend to crystallize: the actor is an image-crystal in which the actor and his parts cannot be differentiated.
Indeed, as we have seen, it is impossible to tell the real image from its virtual images, the true from the false, the genuine from the fake Deleuze Showing the image-crystal to be false or fake somehow reinforces its nature. Appropriately, the image-crystal, containing the infinite of subjectivity, can only unleash its magic when it interacts with the spectator.
Moreover, the image-crystal and the actor are metonymical representations of the film—both acting and cinema are fake. Because of this, they link the infinite of subjectivity to the infinite of the strange forces they represent. Yet they are also, as we have seen, figures of the director. Indeed, outside forces—producers, like those associated to demi-gods 4 in the film—killed the Mulholland Drive TV series project; that Lynch made it into a film is seen by him as a product of fate, as if mysterious forces momentarily possessed the producers so that the film would happen.
These forces also speak through these magical objects that are actors. When Betty does the audition MD , Woody, the experienced actor, first directs her, positioning her like an object before starting the scene. But as they play the scene, it is Betty who takes over and starts directing it, as she places his hand on her buttocks. What makes her do this?
Is acting in fact being possessed, like Leland Palmer who acts differently when he is possessed by the demon Bob in Twin Peaks? It is in a way Nature itself in the sense that it rains ceaselessly down on us without even having a direction. It follows. You can lose your way very easily. A variety of law enforcement officials are empowered to conduct different kinds of stops, including different units of the National Police urban areas and the National Gendarmerie rural areas.
Yet many of the identification checks we heard about in the course of this research involved lengthy questioning, intrusive pat-downs, orders to empty pockets, and bag searches. These practices are justified as security measures and have been sanctioned by the courts; there is however no written legal basis for such pat-downs and body searches. We heard from children as young as 14 being required to put their hands up against a wall or a car to be patted down.
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Visible minorities have complained for years that they are singled out for stops. Sociological studies, grassroots documentation, media reporting, and more recently, quantitative studies all point to a disproportionate number of stops of blacks and Arabs. Most people in France have been stopped and asked for their papers at some point. For young blacks and Arabs living in economically disadvantaged areas, identity checks are a routine part of life. This research focused on stops of pedestrians.
It is important to note, however, that older interviewees complained about repetitive stops while driving cars or motorcycles. The study also found a strong correlation between style of dress and probability of being stopped by the police. The study found that 42 percent of North Africans and 38 percent of blacks said they had been stopped within the preceding 12 months, while only 22 percent of whites said they had been checked in the same period. These were the highest percentages of all ten countries surveyed, with the exception of Roma in Greece.
These numbers suggest that police are using ethnic profiles—an idea of who is more likely to be a delinquent based on appearance, including race and ethnicity, in determining whom to stop. Police profiling can be a legitimate preventive and investigative tool, when for example suspect descriptions which include ethnicity or national origin are drawn up on the basis of specific, reliable information. Profiling is discriminatory and unlawful when police systematically target certain groups for stops, even when these actions are grounded in unconscious stereotyping rather than an intentional policy.
Virtually everyone we spoke with in the course of this research felt they were targeted because of the way they look. Some, like Dixon, a year-old black man interviewed in Paris, attributed it to racism. Walking in Paris, sitting on the quays at Saint-Michel. We heard three detailed accounts of blacks and Arabs being stopped and searched while white members of the group or crowd were not.
Halim B. He was on his way to school. Moussa S. According to Moussa, his friend of Portuguese descent, walking with him, was not stopped. Daouda B. Ten interviewees gave accounts of being stopped more than once on a single day, reinforcing the sense of being targeted by the police and heightening resentment. These repetitive stops can occur both in the neighborhood and in other parts of the city.
For example, Bilal F. Farid A. We got stopped three times that day. They searched my bag three times. There were a lot of people, but they only stopped us.
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Eighteen-year-old Abdel, also from Sainte-Genevieve-des-Bois, told us he was stopped three times one night in March, in Juvisy-sur-Orge, a nearby town. I was alone. And they know it, but they stop me anyway. Abou K. They get nervous when you ask the reason for the stop. Hassan M. Abdel S. The first time I was alone and the second time I was with a friend. The first time was around p. I was with three friends. They touch everywhere, everywhere.
Others suggested that race, ethnicity and style of dress were inextricably linked. Gabir S. It may well be true that a black or Arab man dressed in a mainstream manner will not be singled out, whereas a European type dressed in a style associated with the banlieue will be. There are concerns, however, that dress is serving as a proxy for race and ethnicity. While stops can involve a relatively quick check of identity papers, they are often much more intrusive.
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Many of those interviewed for this report had regularly experienced intrusive stops involving security pat-downs and searches of their person and bags. Neither the Code of Criminal Procedure nor any other written law provides any explicit authority to carry out such physical searches. Children as young as 14 years old told us about being forced to put their hands against a wall, spread their legs and submit to an invasive pat-down.
Several also said they were forced to take off their shoes. Police pat-downs give rise to one of the most common and strongly-felt complaints about identity checks. Three police officers came. The search, they touched us everywhere, the penis with their fist. In their sample, blacks were four times more likely, and Arabs three times more likely, to be patted down than whites.
Human Rights Watch is particularly concerned about the impact of pat-downs on children. We heard from young children about their recent experiences of identity checks involving pat-downs and bag searches, as well as from older children and adults about their first identity stops.
Abdel, mentioned above, told us about the first time he was ever subject to a police stop. He was 12 years old. Ouamar C. When we spoke with Ouamar, his last stop had happened two weeks earlier, in his housing estate. It started when I was ten. Cedric A. A year-old from Bobigny, Haroun A. Khalil N. Empty your pockets.
Empty your bag. The kick on the feet to separate your legs. Suleiman S. They [two BAC cars and a van] came and told us to get down on the ground, with our objects in front of our heads, empty our pockets, take off our shoes. The basics. When we spoke with Ismael Y. Treatment during identity checks can vary significantly according to the location, the situation, and the number of individuals. Many of those interviewed said that on some occasions they had experienced uneventful, quick checks during which the police were polite and simply asked to see their papers.
However, interviewees also complained of rude and insulting behavior by the police. One of the most common complaints is the systematic use by the police of the informal, familiar mode of address that is regarded as disrespectful in dealings with public authorities. These experiences included primarily verbal insults, but also instances of physical abuse. Our interviewees said that, in their experience, insults by police were commonplace. Many insults, they said, were race-neutral.
Some interviewees also said police had insulted them with reference to their ethnic origins or race. So they stopped me. The search, they touched me everywhere, really everywhere. They only checked me, not my friend [of Portuguese descent]. Many interviewees were convinced the police use insults to provoke a response, and shared a sense of both resentment and resignation. Ismael Y.
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They are over-equipped. We have cell phones in our pockets, not billy clubs. Dirty Arab, dirty black. They do it on purpose to put us in prison. They try to provoke you to take you into custody. I often fell into the trap when I was younger. Several of those interviewed by Human Rights Watch told of physical abuse both during identity checks and in the police station after identity checks. None of those we spoke with had made a formal complaint, making it impossible to officially verify their accounts.
They made us lie down on the ground, with our arms out and our legs crossed. Said, a year old in Lyon, said that last winter officers with the CRS approached him in the Gambetta metro stop. I gave them my papers, and then right away they strangled me [with their hands]. Yassine, a year-old in Lille, told us about his experience. It was a bit after midnight and they started running to catch the last metro. According to Yassine, a police car ran a red light to stop in front of them. When they found a GPS navigation device on his friend, they were accused of stealing it.
Some kids came to tell them to stop, and they [the police] gassed them. In the end he was allowed to leave. Yassine estimates that he has been stopped and searched over times since he was 13 years old. In some cases documented by Human Rights Watch, a violent reaction by the person being controlled degenerated into something more resembling a brawl than a properly-conducted police intervention.
Seventeen-year-old Bilal F. I was with a friend, waiting for my girlfriend. They [the police] came, two BAC and one in the car. At first they were polite until they touched my balls and I fought with one of them. He took me behind the church… he gave me a slap, we hit each other a bit and then they let me go. We also heard several instances of police using excessive force against people intervening in some way in an identity check of others.
Sami Cherif, a year-old living in Bobigny outside Paris , told us a police officer used a stun gun on him in April when he greeted a friend undergoing an identity check. Sami Cherif told us he was also arrested and spent 24 hours in police custody when he intervened while the police were conducting a check on a kid about 11 or 12 years old. Those who do object to identity checks or treatment during a stop can be charged with the offense of outrage , or insulting an officer.
The threat of criminal sanction adds a coercive dimension to identity checks. We spoke with eight people who had been either taken into custody for outrage and then released, or actually prosecuted on this charge following a contentious identity check. While we cannot conclusively determine they were unfairly charged, the vagueness and broad scope of the law leaves significant room for abuse.
Those we interviewed frequently complained that the threat of being accused of outrage effectively silences and disempowers those subjected to police stops. Sami Cherif was still on a six-month suspended sentence for outrage when we spoke with him in late June. He had been stopped in his car in Pantin, outside Paris, and he said all of his papers were in order and asked why they were checking him. But for them if I was there it was to sell drugs. I only said that I worked, and I asked why I had to show them my papers. As soon as you defend yourself, they take it badly.
I spent 18 hours at the police station, they accused me of outrage. Inconsistent and non-transparent internal recording of identity checks, and the fact that individuals subject to identity checks are not provided any documentation, mean it is very difficult to assess the effectiveness of these operations or to verify the lawfulness of a stop. Furthermore, the absence of any information on the ethnic breakdown of identity checks prevents meaningful official analysis of the impact of police identity checks on minorities, and in particular whether particular groups are being affected in a disparate or disproportionate way.
French law gives law enforcement officials broad grounds for conducting identity checks. Article of the French Code of Criminal Procedure CPP authorizes identity checks for crime investigation and prevention, ensuring public order, and immigration control. Just what constitutes suspicious behavior is largely left to the discretion of the police officer.
Authoritative interpretations vary. Subsection 2 of the same CPP article allows prosecutors to designate an area, for a certain amount of time, where law enforcement officers can stop anyone, regardless of their behavior, and ask for their papers. It is important to note that local police chiefs commissaires can, on the basis of an analysis of crime reports, designate an area as particularly crime-ridden, giving police in that area free rein to conduct identity checks without individualized suspicion.
Intensive policing in areas with high crime rates is a legitimate policy response. However, in the absence of specific information or grounds for suspicion, police profiling in these designated areas to determine whom to stop is unlawful. Subsection 3 authorizes identity checks to prevent a threat to public order. Finally, subsection 4 allows for random stops at any transport site, such as airports and train stations.
These broad powers leave far too much discretion, in the absence of clear and detailed guidance, to police officers when it comes to choosing whom to stop for an identity check. It is a basic precept of law, well-established in international human rights jurisprudence, that laws must be sufficiently clear and well-defined to limit the scope for arbitrary action and interpretation by law enforcement and judicial authorities.
Legal precision is also important so that people know what conduct is prohibited and can regulate their behavior accordingly.